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These different water sources combine to produce a great deal of ground water throughout much of the valley, and in rainy years, parts of the centre of the plain are permanently inundated. During recent decades attempts have been made to drain this water in order to increase the amount of land available for agriculture. It is unclear whether the modern run-off patterns can be directly transferred into the past. Today Tappeh Sorna is surrounded on all sides by water from the Sarab Siah, and it is probable that this was not the situation while the site was occupied.

3). Relying primarily on the presence of evidence for administrative technology at Tall-i Bakun A, he has proposed that the site was an administrative centre that was dominated by a mobile pastoral elite, and that horizontal mobile pastoralism can achieve a level of state organisation through economic diversity (Alizadeh 2006). He suggests that with the rise of political hegemony during the Late Bakun (Late Fars Phase), there was a sedentarisation of most of the tribal elite and a number of rank and files that contributed to the volume of the settled population during the Lapui or what he refers to as the proto-Banesh phase (Alizadeh 2006).

Of the two categories of cold areas, it is only the sardsir that provides suitable summer pasture for mobile pastoralists and which permits viable rain-fed agriculture, as the altitude of the sarhadd is too high to support either. g. Alizadeh 1988; 2006). The central plains of Mamasani, including Dasht-e Rostam-e Yek, Do, Nurabad and the Dasht-e Jāvid, lie in the mo’tadel, and this is one of the more temperate regions in the southwestern Zagros. The northern part of Mamasani, which includes Doshman Ziāri and Jāvid regions, lies in the sardsir, and the western and southern parts of Mamasani, including Māhour-e Zirband and Māhour-e Milāti, lie in the garmsīr.