By Peter A. J. Stevens (auth.)
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Additional resources for Ethnicity and Racism in Cyprus: National Pride and Prejudice?
While some researchers focus on particular institutions, such as the family, media or schools (see above), Wimmer (2013) offers a more general theoretical framework in which variation in the outcomes of these boundary struggles are perceived as the result of three interacting forces: institutions, the (unequal) distribution of resources and social networks. g. recognizing foreign diplomas) or educational tracking processes are examples of institutionalized rules that ‘provide incentives to pursue certain types of boundary-making strategies rather than others’ (p.
In contrast, Red Brick is a small school (with 206 students on the roll) and ethnically more heterogeneous (46% Greek Cypriot, 15% Turkish Cypriot and 38% of other ethnic background). The interviews were conducted in English, recorded and transcribed verbatim. Students were allowed to take the interview with one friend and interviews typically lasted between 40 and 60 minutes. All students and parents provided their informed consent to participate in the interviews. The interview questions focused on the following key topics: students’ ethnic, national and religious in/ out group identities and attitudes, their experiences and definitions of racism and their strategies in response to racism.
This political goal is in part legitimized by a racist discourse of cultural and biological superiority over nonGreeks, as illustrated by the 2012 election slogan of the People’s Association – Golden Dawn: ‘rid this land of filth’. This modern, ultra-nationalist, far-right, neo-nazi party was founded in 1993 and has close connections with its Cypriot ‘sister party’ ELAM (Law 2014). While ‘Greek nationalism’ in Cyprus can be considered as a form of racialized nationalism and echoes the Greek nationalism movement of mainland Greece, both forms of racialized nationalism developed in opposition to Turkish racialized nationalism.