By Kristin M. Bakke
There is not any one-size-fits-all decentralized repair to deeply divided and conflict-ridden states. one of many hotly debated coverage prescriptions for states dealing with self-determination calls for is a few kind of decentralized governance - together with neighborhood autonomy preparations and federalism - which supplies minority teams a level of self-rule. but the tune checklist of current decentralized states means that those have broadly divergent skill to include conflicts inside their borders. via in-depth case reviews of Chechnya, Punjab, and Québec, in addition to a statistical cross-country research, this booklet argues that whereas coverage, financial, and political decentralization can, certainly, be peace-preserving every now and then, the results of those associations are conditioned by means of features of the societies they (are intended to) govern. Decentralization may also help defend peace in a single kingdom or in a single quarter, however it could have simply the other influence in a rustic or sector with diverse ethnic and monetary features
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Additional resources for Decentralization and intrastate struggles : Chechnya, Punjab, and Québec
Example text
Chapter 3 analyzes the Chechen case, where a newly emerged nationalist movement came to power in 1991 and immediately declared the republic independent. In the final days of 1994, Russian troops rolled into Grozny, the Chechen capital, marking the beginning of two rounds of bloody and brutal conflict (1994–1996, 1999–2007). Chapter 4 focuses on the case of Punjab, where the Akali Dal has called for the Indian union to become a “real” federation with greater autonomy for the states since the 1970s.
2010; Wucherpfennig et al. 16 Most people would probably like the chance to express themselves in their own language, celebrate their religious holidays, and feel free from discrimination and persecution based on their culture, religion, language, race, and other ethnic markers. Indeed, a large literature points to how ethnic identity motivates conflict and opposition to the state. While some argue that ethnicity contributes to conflict due to long-standing hatreds (Kaplan 1993) or resentment toward ethnic groups other than one’s own (Petersen 2002), others suggest that fear may make ethnic minority groups resort to violence as a means to protect their existence (Horowitz 1985, 175–184; Posen 1993; Lake and Rothchild 1996).
2012 and Bakke et al. 2012), but I turn to how fragmentation shapes negotiations with the center in what follows, as well as in the book’s conclusion. It is also plausible that mobilization around fear of the center makes people more risk acceptant and willing to resort to violence than mobilization around promoting a group’s status. This was nicely put by the Russian sociologist Emil Pain, who suggested that if it is fear that drives mobilization, the means are arms. If it is about culture, the means are pens and pencils (personal communication, Moscow, May 30, 2005).