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By Frederick Engels Karl Marx

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Her claim to an * This is already stated in the “Second Address of the General Council of the International Working Men’s Association on the Franco-German War” (dated September 9, 1870). — I. A Polish Proclamation 11 independent existence in the European family of nations is irrefutable. Her restoration, however, is a necessity for two nations in particular: for the Germans and for the Russians themselves. A people that oppresses others cannot emancipate itself. The power it needs to oppress others is ultimately always turned against itself.

But who is to blame? Who else but those Russians themselves who represent this dirty side, who, not satisfied with deceiving their own compatriots, attempted to subordinate the whole European labour movement to their personal ends? If Bakunin and company had restricted their heroic deeds to Russia, people in Western Europe would hardly have troubled to train their sights on them. The Russians themselves would have done that. But as soon as those gentlemen, who do not even understand the rudiments of the conditions and development of the West European labour movement, seek to play the dictator with us, it ceases to be amusing: one simply fires at them pointblank.

3 a [P. L. Lavrov,] Op. , p. — E d b Bnepedb! Henepioduuecxoe o6o3phnie, Vol. II, Part 2, Zurich, 1874: H3t> MpKymcxa. , p. — E d 24 Frederick Engels We learn who the well-known writer Tkachov is from a Russian pamphlet, The Tasks of Revolutionary Propaganda in Russia, which he himself published in April 1874 and which depicts him as a green grammar-school boy of singular immaturity, the Karlchen Missnick, as it were, of Russian revolutionary youth. He tells us that many people have asked him to collaborate in the Forward; he knew the editor was a reactionary; nevertheless, he considered it his duty to take the Forward under his wing, although— it should be noted— it had not asked for him.

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