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By J. Mehler & T. G. Bever (Editors)

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Additional info for Cognition, Vol. 3, No. 3

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New York, I-90. , & Caramazza, A. (1974) Implicit causality in verbs, Ling. , 5, (in press). Heise, D. R. (1970) Potency dynamics in simple sentences. J. Person. SOC. , 16. 48-54. RCsumC Les deux experiences present&es ici, utilisant d’une part un groupe de sujets adultes, d’autre part un groupe de sujets ages de 10 i 13 ans, consistent a faire complkter des phrases de la forme: NP,-V-NP, P&tom... Le fragment de phrase: “John a telephone a Bill parce qu’il... avait de bonnes nouvelles”. L’impetus du verbe telephoner est localis en NP, (John).

224 Daniel N. Osherson and Ellen Markman passing a given kind of nonempirical item, a subject had to pass both items of the given kind. 91. Compare these results with the results of an analysis designed to test the hypothesis that language objectivity is a sufficient condition for the ability to correctly evaluate nonempirical statements. , logical computation). The hypothesis that language objectivity is sufficient implies that the conditional probability of a given subject passing nonempirical items, given that he passed objectivity tasks, ideally equals one.

In the congruent collocation, The assistant argued with his boss, a strong NPl response was obtained. In the noncongruent collocation, The boss argued with his assistant, a weak NP2 response was obtained. The underlying case relations, however, would presumably be the same in both variants. Similarly, it does not seem possible to attribute the results of the active-passive sentence variants to an underlying case structure, since the structure would be the same for both variants. Thus, the postulated feature of implicit causality cannot be reduced in any direct way to deep case relations.

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