By Conrad Black
"I by no means ask for mercy and search no one's sympathy. i might by no means, as used to be needlessly feared during this court docket, be a fugitive from justice during this state, just a seeker of it."
—Conrad Black, in his assertion to the courtroom, June 24, 2011
In 1993, Conrad Black used to be the owner of London's Daily Telegraph and the top of 1 of the world's greatest newspaper teams. He accomplished a memoir in 1992, A existence in Progress, and "great clients beckoned." In 2004, he used to be fired as chairman of Hollinger foreign after he and his affiliates have been accused of fraud. right here, for the 1st time, Black describes his indictment, four-month trial in Chicago, partial conviction, imprisonment, and principally profitable appeal.
In this unflinchingly revealing and beautifully written memoir, Black writes with out reserve concerning the prosecutors who fixed a crusade to smash him and the newshounds who presumed he used to be in charge. interesting humans fill those pages, from major ministers and presidents to the social, criminal, and media elite, between them: Margaret Thatcher, Tony Blair, George W. Bush, Jean Chrétien, Rupert Murdoch, Izzy Asper, Richard Perle, Norman Podhoretz, Eddie Greenspan, Alan Dershowitz, and Henry Kissinger.
Woven all through are Black's perspectives on titanic issues: politics, company governance, and the U.S. justice method. he's candid approximately hugely own topics, together with his friendships - with those that have supported and those that have betrayed him - his Roman Catholic religion, and his marriage to Barbara Amiel. And he writes approximately his complicated relatives with Canada, nice Britain, and the us, and specifically the blow he has suffered by the hands of that nation.
In this impressive publication, Black continues his innocence and recounts what he describes as "the struggle of and for my life." A subject of Principle is a riveting memoir and a scathing account of a incorrect justice system.
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Additional info for A Matter of Principle
The Left, on the contrary, hailed the revolution with delight, and held that it was vital and urgently necessary to create fighting organizations of workers in the capital. F. A. Cherevanin, the old liquidator1 and defensist, who was one of those who represented this Left view, also originated, so I was told, the idea of holding immediate elections in the Petersburg factories for a Soviet of Workers' Deputies. In any case instructions for the elections were issued by this meeting. These instructions were instantly taken up by the party organizations and, as is known, successfully carried out in the factories of the capital.
It was this that made the personal quality of the Bolsheviks· ofvital importance, since the only thing that presumably could mitigate the suppression of the democratic process-devotion to INTRODUCTION XXXV which had not been a mere foible but a matter of hard-headed politics-was the existence of a pure and high-minded Bolshevik Party, tempered in political struggle and holding the credentials of a lifetime of service to the cause. This was the only assurance, such as it was, of a tour de force that could avoid the ominous consequences foreseen by Lenin.
Miliukov,4 its leader, had declared not long before 1 This was the Fourth Duma (Parliament) , elected in 1 9 1 2 . The State Duma, created by the October Manifesto of 1905, was the lower house of the legislature and (except for the representatives of five large cities) was indirectly elected. The Ministers, who were appointed by the Tsar, were not responsible to the Duma, and its powers and influence, limited enough in theory, were in practice almost non existent. ). On the Left the Social Democrats and the Trudoviks (see note, p.